Rialto

217.1

 

   

Guillem Figueira

 

 

 

 

   

I.

   

Del preveire maior

   

e del emperador

   

volgra paz entre lor,

   

q’aissi foran marrit

5  

li Turc e ll’Arabit.

   

Mas trop amaramen

   

mena chascuns d’elhs son conten,

   

e trebailhon si de nïen;

   

qar nïenz es tot ço q’om pot chauzir

10  

segon aqo qe es a devenir.

   

 

   

II.

   

A Dieu nostre seinhor

   

qi per nos ac dolor

   

en la crois, e paor,

   

segon q’avem auzit,

15  

coman mon esperit

   

qe·l gar de perdemen

   

e q’en aqest segle dolen

   

mi gar de mortal failhimen

   

e·m don tan sai mos peccatz penedir

20  

per q’ieu puesca al sieu reinhe venir.

   

 

   

III.

   

Mas non hagra temor

   

si del cors peccador

   

poges al criator

   

vas cui mout ai failhit

25  

servir, qar deservit

   

ll’ai trop, mon escïen;

   

per q’ai de passar mar talen,

   

s’o poges far adrechamen,

   

qar lai pot hom si onran Dieu servir;

30  

ez enaissi volgra mos tortz delir.

   

 

   

IV.

   

Mas qar non hai richor

   

de passar ab honor,

   

remanc sai ab tristor

   

qan pes ço q’ai merit

35  

ni con seran graçit

   

sobre tot autra gen

   

cill qi seran de Dieu serven

   

lai on el reinhet humilmen,

   

e az aital conqist fai bon venir

40  

ont hom conqier gaug qe non pot failhir.

   

 

   

V.

   

Qe·l bon envazidor

   

e·l bon combatedor

   

e l’ardit feridor

   

devon tut az un crit

45  

pasar, gerer complit

   

ab gran afortimen

   

de cobrar lo sant monimen;

   

e non ha cor d’ome valen

   

qi lai non vol l’arm’e·l cors enantir

50  

on ell nascet e volc per nos murir.

   

 

   

VI.

   

Aç aqel Dieu mi ren

   

q’en la Vergen venc veiramen,

   

e volc per nostre salvamen

   

amt’e dolor e pein’e mor sufrir,

55  

e pietat e turmen e consir.

   

 

   

VII.

   

Al pro comte valen

   

de Toloza·m digaz breumen,

   

estiers, qe·l sapcha veiramen,

   

qe per so·l volc Dieus part totz enantir

60  

qe lai on ell nascet l’anes servir.

 

 

English translation [LP]

I. I wish the Pope (lit. supreme priest) and the Emperor would make peace among themselves to give the Turks and Arabs cause to grieve. But each of them is conducting his quarrel with great bitterness, and they are wasting their efforts; for all that is visible is nothing in comparison with what is to come.
II. To our Lord God who suffered pain and fear, as we have heard, upon the cross, I commend my spirit, that He may preserve it from damnation and that in this world of pain He may guard me from mortal trespass and grant that I may so expiate my sins here in this world that I may come to His [heavenly] kingdom.
III. But I would not be afraid if I could serve the Creator with my sinful body, for I have assuredly done Him great disservice; so I should dearly love to make the sea crossing, if I could do so suitably, for there a man can serve God honourably; and in this manner I should like to wipe out my wrongdoings.
IV. But because I have not the wealth to make the passage honourably, I remain here in sorrow when I think on what I have deserved, and how those who will be God’s servants in the place where He lived in humility will be thanked more than all other people; and it is an excellent thing to achieve the kind of victory where a man wins eternal joy.
V. For the good assailants and good fighters and bold strikers, perfect warriors highly determined to recover the Holy Sepulchre, ought to make the passage all together; and anyone who does not wish to press soul and body onward to the place where He was born and was willing to die for us lacks the heart of a man of valour.
VI. I yield myself to that God who truly entered the Virgin and chose to suffer shame and grief and pain and death for our salvation, and sorrow and torment and trouble of mind.
VII. In addition, immediately tell the noble, valiant Count of Toulouse on my behalf, so that he may be truly aware of this, that this is why God wished that he, more than anyone else, should go to serve Him in His birthplace.

 

Italian translation [lb]

I. Vorrei che il papa (lett. il prete supremo) e l’imperatore facessero pace tra di loro per dare ai Turchi e agli Arabi un motivo per piangere. Ma ciascuno di loro sta portando avanti la sua contesa con grande acredine, e stanno sprecando le loro energie, perché tutto ciò che si vede non è nulla in confronto a quello che verrà.
II. Raccomando il mio spirito a Dio nostro Signore che ha sopportato per noi il dolore e la paura sulla croce, come abbiamo sentito, affinché egli lo preservi dalla dannazione e mi protegga dal peccato mortale in questa valle di lacrime, e mi conceda di poter espiare i miei peccati in questo mondo così che io possa giungere nel suo regno [celeste].
III. Ma io non avrei paura se potessi servire il Creatore con il mio corpo peccatore, perché (finora) gli ho certamente reso un cattivo servizio; quindi desidero ardentemente di attraversare il mare, se potessi farlo adeguatamente, perché laggiù si può servire Dio in modo onorevole; e in questo modo vorrei spazzare via le mie iniquità.
IV. Ma poiché non ho la ricchezza per fare il passaggio in modo onorevole, resto qui nel dolore, quando penso a quello che ho meritato, e a come quelli che saranno servitori di Dio nel luogo dove egli è vissuto in umiltà saranno ringraziati più di chiunque altro; ed è un’ottima cosa ottenere una tale vittoria dove si guadagna la gioia eterna.
V. Perché i buoni assaltatori e i buoni combattenti e i colpitori arditi, i guerrieri perfetti fortemente determinati a riprendere il Santo Sepolcro, devono fare il passaggio tutti assieme; e non ha il cuore di un uomo valoroso chiunque non voglia precipitarsi anima e corpo là dove Egli è nato e ha voluto morire per noi.
VI. Io mi sottometto a quel Dio che si è veramente incarnato nella Vergine e ha scelto di sopportare vergogna e afflizione e dolore e morte per la nostra salvezza, e pena e tormento e turbamento.
VII. Inoltre, dite subito da parte mia al nobile, valoroso conte di Tolosa, che sia davvero cosciente che è per questo che Dio ha voluto che lui, più di chiunque altro, andasse a servirlo nella sua città natale.

 

 

 

Text: Linda Paterson, 14.vi.2013.


Ms.: M 238r (enfigera).

Critical edition: Emil Levy, Guillem Figueira, ein provenzalischer Troubadour, Berlin 1880, p. 31 (many changes of graphy; no translation).

Other editions: François-Juste-Marie Raynouard, Lexique roman ou Dictionnaire de la langue des troubadours, comparée avec les autres langues de l’Europe latine, 6 voll., Paris, 1836-1844, vol. I, p. 482 (lines 1-16, 27-60); Carl August Friedrich Mahn, Die Werke der Troubadours, in provenzalischer Sprache, 4 voll., Berlin 1846-1886, vol. III, p. 116.

Versification:  a6 a6 a6 b6 b6 c6 c8 c8 d10 d10 (Frank 77:2), -or, -it, -en, -ir; five coblas unissonans and two five-line tornadas. The versification is identical in all respects (bar the tornadas) with that of a canso of Folquet de Marselha, BdT 155.5 (whose melody is preserved in mss. GR), on which it is most probably modelled; there are no other pieces with this form.

Rejected readings: 7 chascuns ço qe ten (−1), 21 before temor, «i» expunctuated, 24 mout failhit (−1), 45 pasa(r)qar er.

Notes: The sirventes must predate the death of Raimon VII of Toulouse in 1249. Other elements offering some clue to dating are a bitter conflict between pope and emperor (1-7); the Holy Sepulchre being in Moslem hands (5, 47); suggestions of a crusade possibly being planned (stanzas III-V – though Guillem could simply be urging his listeners to bring their minds back to the need for one); and emphasis on Raimon VII of Toulouse who has a particular reason for God wishing him to serve Him in the Holy Land (stanza VII). – Levy (pp. 5-7) argues that the mention of bitter papal-imperial conflict could refer either to conflict between Frederick II and Gregory IX in 1228-1230, or to the «great papal-imperial war» that began in 1239 and continued until after Raimon’s death. He dates the sirventes to 1245-1248 but does not seem entirely convinced of this, since on p. 79, n. 2 he identifies the pope as either Gregory IX (1227-1241), if the date of composition falls between the end of 1239 and the end of 1240 (see p. 6), or Innocent IV (1243-1254) if it falls between 1244 and 1249. His arguments for the later period are firstly, that Jerusalem was in Christian hands between 1229-1244, except for a brief period from November 1239 to 1240. Secondly, 1220-1227 can be ruled out because the Emperor and the Pope were not in open conflict with each other. Thirdly, 1227-1229 can also be ruled out, as when Gregory IX had excommunicated Frederick and there was an open feud between them, the latter was concentrating all his energy on the crusade, and this, Levy claims, does not square with stanza I. This leaves only 1244-1249 or the short period November 1239-1240. He adds (p. 6, n.1) that at any rate the Histoire littéraire de la France (vol. XVIII, p. 657) must be wrong in dating it to 1230, since Jerusalem was in Christian hands then. Finally he suggests that the later date corresponds with Guillem’s penitential, mild tone and his expression of regret, where the contrast with the «kräftigen Klange seiner übrigen Gesänge» allows us to suspect that the piece was composed by an ageing poet (p. 6). He also suggests that perhaps Raimon VII was on the point of leaving for the East when he died, in 1249. – But why should stanza I exclude the period 1227-1229? Frederick’s determined pursuit of his crusade objective does not mean that he is not at loggerheads with the Pope. Levy is perhaps assuming that because of this conflict there can be no crusade, but actually stanza V lays emphasis on the idea of everyone going together: in other words, the conflict between Pope and Emperor is an impediment to the likely success of a crusade, since it is better for all to co-operate in God’s business. – The second tornada, which was not necessarily composed at the same time as the rest of the piece, looks likely to date from after the Treaty of Paris of 12 April 1229, whereby Raimon undertook inter alia to do penance for five years fighting the «infidel». In this light the emphasis with which the troubadour singles out the Count part totz (59) as one who should follow his injunctions to expiate his sins in the Holy Land, is interesting. Given Guillem’s invective against Rome (1227-1229) and his loyalty to his natural lord, it seems unlikely that the troubadour is implying Raimon’s particular sinfulness; rather, once Raimon had taken the cross he could be seen as a potential recruit for, or indeed leader of, an imminent campaign. – At the same time as Gregory and Frederick were at daggers drawn, the latter was in fact in the process of organising his own crusade in defiance of papal excommunication. He had originally taken the cross in 1215 but repeatedly postponed departure for political reasons. By midsummer 1227 large numbers of crusaders had gathered in the port of Brindisi, and although many had fallen sick, died or returned home, the main body of crusaders sailed by the middle of August. The Emperor and his retinue were delayed while their ships were being made ready, and by the time he set sail for Otranto he had been stricken by the plague. He sent word to Gregory to explain his failure to depart for the Holy Land but the Pope refused to receive him and on 29 September 1227 issued his anathema. Frederick recovered from his illness and was actively preparing to set out in May 1228, finally departing on 28 June, arriving via Cyprus in Acre on 7 September. Gregory insisted on maintaining the excommunication, which caused sharp division in the crusading army. Frederick arrived home in June 1229, whereupon his troops «scored success after success against the papal forces. By the autumn of 1229 Frederick stood in full possession of his kingdom. It was now only necessary for him to make his peace with the defeated pope». In May 1230 peace terms were drawn up and on 28 August the excommunication was lifted (see Robert L. Wolff and Harry W. Hazard, The later crusades, 1189-1311 in Kenneth M. Setton, A history of the crusades, 6 voll., Madison and London 1969-1989, vol. II, pp. 446-460). – It seems not unlikely that the sirventes should relate to this period. That Pope and Emperor were in bitter conflict is not in doubt. The conditions under which different groups left at different times for the crusade could explain the stress Guillem lays on the need for everyone to depart together as a body. The sirventes would have to predate news reaching the West that Frederick had made peace with the Sultan al-Kamir and entered Jerusalem, which he did on 17 March 1229 (Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 voll., Harmondsworth 1971, first published Cambridge 1951-1954, vol. III, p. 188). The tornada could have been composed at the same time as the other stanzas, or slightly postdate them - conceivably explaining estiers (58). What could make sense is to see Guillem composing stanzas I-VI in 1228 as Frederick was leaving, or had left, for Cyprus, with the second tornada added after the treaty of Paris of April 1229; or else for all the stanzas being composed immediately after, and stimulated by, that event, which must have been profoundly dispiriting to the Toulousain author of the famous anti-papal tirade. This alone, rather than Levy’s dubious hypothesis of an ageing poet, could explain the tone of the poem, though so equally could the context of a crusade. – Line 7: Levy makes the suppletion and prints so que ten in the text, but adds in the note (erroneously given as 16) that Tobler pointed out that Guillem never rhymes fixed with movable n (ten - nien) so advises the correction son conten, which also gives much better sense. – Line 24: corr. Levy (hai). – Lines 31-33: Levy (p. 3) claims these lines show Guillem did not go on crusade, though in fact it does not prove that he did not do so later – not that there is any evidence that he did. (His wish that the Count of Toulouse should do so may hint at a wish to be financed by him, though of course Raimon never did make the crossing). – Lines 41-43: in a sirventes of 1270 (BdT 74.11, 28-31, see my edition on Rialto), Bertolome Zorzi enumerates apparently different types of combatant: Qu’ab lui s’en van bel feridor de lanza, / peceiador de cambas e de bratz, / envazidor per far fag d’agradanza, / sbaraillador quant l’estors es mesclatz, / bon sofridor s’esfortz n’a qui·s defenda («For along with him go fine lancers, leg- and arm-breakers, assault forces to perform splendid deeds, combatants for the mêlée stage, men of strong endurance if defence is needed»). Is Guillem Figueira also distinguishing between types, rather than simply listing synonyms? – Lines 45-46: in his note to this line Levy indicates that Tobler suggested correcting qar er to guerrier. Paul Meyer (review of Levy’s edition, Romania, 10, 1881, p. 267) rejected this and remarked that the ms. reading would be «supportable», or perhaps one might emend to on er, construing complit with de cobrar; however, the latter construction does not appear possible from the examples of complit + de on COM, and Meyer does not explain how on could have been mistaken for quar/qar. The ms. reading leaves the puzzle as to the subject of er. It seems to me that Tobler’s suggestion was a good one, especially if one postulates the form gerer: compare The ‘Canso d’Antioca’: an Epic Chronicle of the First Crusade, ed. Carol Sweetenham and Linda Paterson, Aldershot 2003, 158, nobili gerer. It looks from the way in which pasar qar have been written in the ms., as pasaqar with r inserted above the line, as if the scribe may have had some difficulty with his exemplar here. – For afortimen compare PD ‘effort; encouragement; solidité’ and SW, I, 29, afortit ‘hartnäckig, eigensinnig’. – Line 58: Meyer: estiers «ne s’entend pas bien; on attendrait plutôt un nom propre, ou encore es tanh» (p. 267).

[LP, lb]


BdT    Guillem Figueira

Songs referring to the crusades